Song of the
Season: Osundare's Lamentation for
the Dead and Living
by Kola Eke
COLLEGE students who occasionally open an anthology of poetry are familiar
with his name and with one or two of his poems. Some are familiar with such
collections as: Songs of the Market Place (1983), Village Voices
(1984), A Nib in the Pond (1986), The Eye of the Earth (1986),
Moon Songs (1988), and Waiting Laughters (1990). However, this
study will be entirely focused on Songs of the Season (1990). This is
because of the conspicuous development of Osundare's skill in elegiac
poetry. Osundare's critics have more frequently affirmed no impression than
that of the fullness of the poet's participation in the
socio-political affairs of his country. It has been asserted that the themes
that preoccupy him are "social and political corruption, maladministration
and mismanagement, deprivations and oppression suffered by the masses and
concern with Third World situations" (Bamikunle 121). Another critic is of
the opinion that Osundare has devoted his "poetic energies to the service of
the exploited African peasantry (Ngara 177). It has also been pointed out
that in Osundare's poetry one confronts "poetry of revolution and
revolutionary poetry" (Jeyifo 320).
An
aspect of Osundare's poetry scarcely mentioned by critics, but which is the
subject of some remarkable poems and of central importance in Songs of
the Season. Call him what you will, tragic poet, poet of the masses; the
point is that a careful reader cannot miss the elegiac tone of a number of
poems in this collection. Surprisingly enough, critics seem to lose sight of
the lament quality of his poems, though this is a subject worthy of careful
study. In Songs of the Season, some poems do share enough features to
make them worth discussing together, and these poems can be grouped under
the common elegy. Therefore, one makes bold to say that the lament over the
dead and the living is no chance interest but one of his central concerns in
Songs of the Season.
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Remembering the Past: Conflict and War in Nadine
Gordimer's None to Accompany Me, Yvonne Vera's The Stone Virgins and Buchi
Emecheta's Destination Biafra
by Sarah Anyang
Agbor
NADINE Gordimer's None to Accompany Me, Yvonne Vera's The Stone Virgins and
Buchi Emecheta's Destination Biafra transmit a vivid picture of the reality
of war and offer an insight into its various aspects. Some aspects of the
novels depict the fear and anxiety of the paralyzing violence of war in the
various spheres of ordinary life: those of work and intellectual activity,
private and social life. How does the majority of the people in the
representative societies of the chosen texts suffer and endure their effects
and search for a means of survival? The interesting question is to what
extent do their common experiences of that reality bring African women
writers from different ideological and social camps closer together? Do
these experiences create a common ground for them, one which allows them to
transcend their ideological barriers and meet for a constructive recognition
of one another? How do the different races in Southern Africa and ethnic
groups in Zimbabwe and Nigeria perceive the conflict and in what ways are
the various spheres of their lives, their attitudes, and visions affected by
it? This approach is based on the premise that conflicts and wars are not
carried out in abstract political, economic, or social systems, but in the
concrete lives of people because they are the perpetrators and/or victims,
and it is in their bodies and souls that the most devastating effects of
such conflicts are to be found.
War is one of the recurring absurdities of postcolonial African societies
and the world all over. Although war is ugly enterprise, it remains central
to human history and social change. One of the significance of the African
literary imagination has been its capacity for a compelling recollection of
colonial, civil and ethnic (tribal) wars. Civil wars have been fought in
some African societies such as Ivory Coast, Liberia, Nigeria, Rwanda, and
Sierra-Leone, Somali, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Zaire. The effect of war
on human characters is quite revealing in the novels of Chinua Achebe, Ayi
Kwei Armah, Nurrudin Farah, Bessie Head, Nadine Gordimer, Zakes Mda, Buchi
Emecheta, Yvonne Vera, and Lesego Malepe amongst others. Using the New
Historicists theory, the cultural and sociopolitical degradation which war
brings and how it affects the identity of characters in Nadine Gordimer's
None to Accompany Me, Yvonne Vera's The Stone Virgins and Buchi Emecheta's
Destination Biafra are the general foci of this study.
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The Mythography
of Tanure Ojaide's Poetry by Ogaga Okuyade
CONTEMPORARY African literature remains the canvas where African writers
continue to explore their art in order to reorient public awareness of the
plight of the people conditioned by the depravity of their rulers. On this
same canvas of artistic exploration, some go forward to create a sort of
‘utopia’ which invariably becomes an alternative for the warped and mired
present, and which ultimately hopes to pluck our minds from their parlous
state. By this dimension, or better still, through this artistic /vocational
pursuit the place of African writers as teachers as, enunciated by Chinua
Achebe, is validated and functional. Kofi Awoonor, in what seems to be a
clarion call to fellow writers, reiterates the functionality of the creative
enterprise:
In Africa where despair deepens in the practice of politics and in the
lives of the ordinary people, the writer must represent the vanguard of the
armies that will liberate the masses from ignorance and cultural stagnation
and restore for them their earlier attachment to life (355).
The route to this liberation of the down trodden and the restoration of
their aspiration is "to return to the traditional sources of inspiration".
Wole Soyinka and Dennis Brutus have earlier asserted in their declaration of
African writer for "the full retrieval of the African past in the quest for
a contemporary self-apprehension and design for the future" (8).
To most African writers, there
seems to be a formidable energy in the past which they endlessly invoke in
their art in order to interrogate the calamitous present in the invention of
a pellucid future. Benji Egede attributes this backward glancing as an
avenue from which the writer is, "supplied (…) with symbols, images and
techniques in addition to furnishing him with themes at public level" (67).
It becomes an undeniable fact that the magnetism of orature on the social
existence and life of Africans are evident in contemporary African
literature. The pervasiveness of orature manifests to a large extent, the
profound impact it has in the social formation, shaping and constitution of
the geneology and life of a writer. Ojaide himself observes that "poetry in
Africa is generally believed to be currently enjoying an unprecedented
creative outburst and popularity" (4). According to him this popularity
seems to arise from "some aesthetic strength hitherto unrealized in written
African poetry which has successfully adapted oral poetry technique into the
written form" (4). Although the scribal expressive medium is English, the
poetry carries the African sensibility, culture, and worldview, as well as
the rhythms, structures and techniques of tradition, which give credence to
what is designated as "double writing" (Soyinka 319). Yaw Adu-Gyamfi
factorizes such features to include "ceremonial chants, tonal lyricism,
poetry of primal drum and flute, proverbs, riddles, myths, songs, folktales,
the antiphonal call-and-response styles, and the rhythmic, repetitive,
digressive, and formulaic modes of language use" (105).
....
In Ojaide's poetry, social
existence is constructed through communal landscapes given in myth, folklore
and common histories that provide a community with a source of identity.
Ojaide develops this form of art by transposing traditional forms and images
into the contemporary world in order to address more pressing
post-independence concerns. Since the work of art according to Hugh Webb
"arises out of the particular alternatives of his time (24), the historical
circumstances that inform Ojaide's art is a real issue of this study.
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“I
Too Sing Zimbabwe”: The Conflict of Ethnicity
in Popular Zimbabwean Music
by Joseph Chikowero
Introduction
THIS paper discusses how selected Zimbabwean popular musical artistes
contest some official and popular images of “foreigners” in Zimbabwe
through their music. Second and third generation Zimbabweans of
Malawian, Zambian and Mozambican origins are commonly denigrated
through various images and designations that are designed to mark
their Other-ness. Zimbabweans of Malawian ancestry are referred as
“MaNyasarandi or “Mabwidi” while those of Mozambican ancestry are
called “MaMoskeni” or “MaChikunda.” Those who originate from both
Malawi and Zambia are also called “MaChawa.” It has been argued that
these people are Zimbabweans by naturalization as they have lived in
Zimbabwe from the 1950s although, for political expediency, their
legitimate status is now being questioned by the establishment . The
establishment's notion of “super-patriotism” belies a desire to
marginalize minorities in a manner that is antithetical to the
national reconciliation policy. While acknowledging that some
indigenous musicians reinforced official and popular images of
“foreigners” as undesirable outsiders, some musicians who themselves
trace their roots to some of the three countries mentioned above
question the legitimacy of such negative designations within the
broader matrix of nationalism and its claims of inclusivity.
Zimbabwean music is often conscripted into “popular” garrisons,
foreclosing possibilities of reading the power of music beyond mere
entertainment. This paper attempts a critical thematic analysis of
music by selected Zimbabwean musicians of foreign origin to illustrate
their contestation of political and popular constructions of
Zimbabwean identities. While the two musicians whose lyrics are
examined here do not question their foreign origin, they challenge
narrow, nativist constructions of Zimbabwean postcolonial identities
that exclude citizens such as themselves who are, after all, not
immigrants but are only descendants of colonial migrant workers. By
challenging narrow, exclusivist conceptions of national identity, the
Khiama Boys expose the postcolonial government's failure to move
beyond colonial hierarchies, anxieties and categories that were
concocted to drive wedges between various races, shades and
ethnicities. The musicians propose Zimbabwean identities as
essentially multifaceted as opposed to one identity that seamlessly
traces its origin to one ethnicity or place of origin. This former
position is made more plausible given that Zimbabwe's national borders
are an artificial creation of British colonialists and the fact that
many people currently living in Zimbabwe trace their origins to areas
outside the country's national borders. In this vein, selected
musicians of foreign origins articulate the failure of the Zimbabwean
post-colonial nation to achieve what Benedict Anderson had termed
“simultaneity”, that is “the ability to imagine the existence of an
extended community in time, even without direct knowledge of other
members of this community who exist at the distant edges of national
space” (Szeman 7) This is within a nation that has generally not
appealed to a mythic or primordial past for national legitimacy but
rather “a communal project whose aim is to create a promising future
out of a terrible past” (8) These musicians insist that in spite of
the mark of “foreignness” they remain Zimbabweans, thus dismissing
notions of national identity rooted in ethnic origin or place of
origin. The paper exposes the schizophrenic character of Zimbabwean
post colonial identity(ies) given its ambivalent relationship with
certain prominent “foreigners.”
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Revolutionary Strategies: The Poetry Of Odia Ofeimun
by Idaevbor Bello
ODIA OFEIMUN has four published collections of poetry namely,
The Poet Lied, (1989),
Dreams at Work and other Poems,
(2000), A Feast of Return: Under African
Skies, (2000) and London
Letters and other Poems, (2000). We
shall henceforth refer to the collections as TPL, DAW, AFOR and LL
respectively, and the poems for discussion are selected from all of them. As
Achebe observes, "… the creative writer who tries to avoid the big social
and political issues of the contemporary Africa will end up in being
completely irrelevant…" (Smith Writing 8). It is in the same vein Ogungbesan
declares that "the writer is a member of society and his sensibility is
conditioned by the social and political happenings around him" ('Writer' 7).
As we shall find out in this essay, Ofeimun does not remove himself from the
reality in the Nigerian society but confronts the social conditions that
tend to stifle progress in the society.
With regard to the poetry of Ofeimun, there has not been much critical
attention. In spite of this, however, those who have had to make one comment
or the other about the poetry have not dealt with the steps by which Ofeimun
believes revolution can be achieved in his society. For instance, Harry
Garuba discusses his "… passionate commitment to public issues and social
causes" (Ogunbiyi Perspectives 270). Egudu (Okike 79-92) focuses on the
effort of Ofeimun in depicting the problems in his society. In her own
contribution, Patience Iziengbe Osayande dwells on the mobilizing power of
Ofeimun's poetry. Funso Aiyejina (Ogunbiyi Perspectives 112-128) sees
Ofeimun's poetry as a product of the anger he has against his society.
Tanure Ojaide ( Research 4-19) sees Ofeimun's poetry as merely an expression
of anger against writers who are not committed to the people. None of these
critics has focussed on the strategies by which the poet believes change can
be brought about in his society. In this paper, therefore, I shall discuss
the strategies by which Ofeimun feels revolutionary change can be effected
in the Nigerian society; namely, knowledge, defiance, as well as resistance
and physical destruction.
Ofeimum in his poetry tells us his objective is "to nudge and awaken them
/ that sleep / among my people" into action "Prologue" (TPL1). In brief,
Ofeimun does not just capture and present the sordidness in his society to
amuse those who read him but with the objective to make the people see the
dirt and the pain around them so they can be adequately respond to it. Niyi
Osundare observes that "knowing is ending evil" ( Songs 60). And as Aiyejina
also puts it "…to ask the right question in a season of fear and lurking
death is a revolutionary gesture" (127). Our preoccupation in this section
is to examine how Ofeimun's poetry the pain and social decay in his society.
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Njange Wan: Birth Songs of Oku Women
of Cameroun
by Frida Mbunda
PERFORMANCE like all other speech acts, is a communication system in
which social discourse takes place principally between a narrator/performer
and an audience. Malinowski in his study of Trobiad oral narratives was
struck by how much was lost in the reduction of the oral text to print and
the subsequent analysis of the material divorced from the context that gave
it life. As Ben-Amos observes: "an oral poem is essentially an ephemeral
work of art and has no existence or continuity apart from its performance"
(1971:18). Coffin and Cohening also point out that "folklore enters a state
of suspended animation when in print; it becomes alive again only when it
flows back into oral circulation through performance" (1966: xiv). One gets
a meaningful understanding and a deeper appreciation of Njange Wan more by
observing the artists perform than by reading the texts. Finnegan asserts:
"The nature of performance itself can make an important contribution to the
impact of the particular literary form being exhibited" (1967:93).
Njange Wan is context-bound. The songs have their integrity impact and
realisation only within the scope of performance, which is done on specific
occasion. Malinowski makes an apt observation which is appropriate to Njange
Wan: The text, of course, is extremely important, but without the context it
remains lifeless... The whole nature of the performance, the voice and the
mimicry, the stimulus and the response of the audience means as much to the
natives as the text;... the performance has to be placed in its proper time
setting -the hour of the day, and the season (1926:24.)
Nketia, also emphasises that "it is important to keep in mind the actual
context or situation in which particular texts arc used because style, form,
subject matter and meaning arc also governed by this" (1958:28). As a
cultural expression, therefore, Njange Wan is rarely analysed independently
of the social context; for it is the social context that gives it an
immediate application of meaning.
When a first child is born in Oku, the first woman to learn of the birth
raises a jubilant alarm called "Iyaluke Wan" (joy for a child). This
instantly brings other women to the scene of the delivery. This jubilant
ululation is half-sung and half-chanted in high pitched tone. It is made up
of gibberish syllables admixed with meaningful expressions which tell the
women who has been delivered of a child, the sex of the child and where the
child is born. Iyaluke Wan could be done in the hospital immediately a birth
is announced or at home on the day the baby is brought home from the
hospital. When the women arrive at the scene of lyaluke Wan they begin to
perform birth songs in a circular motion. It could last an hour or more,
depending on the number of women who have gathered and the ability of the
husband or wife's family to provide instant entertainment. As the earliest
callers leave, they tend to be replaced by new ones. The purpose of this
ululation is to alert the family members and get them ready to perform birth
celebration, and to give publicity to the birth, and put the community in a
happy mood for the celebration which the happy event always brings along
with it. An example of a birth ululation runs thus:
Solo: Eee eee eh mbofojo eee
Mbofejo- ee me mboye e
Chui lu iyzhio ee
Baa ee me mboye ec
Mih kil fiake keghoo ee
Eh gha ee ee?
Wil ah ne kebam ebkaa ee
Wil ah ne beiy ee
Wil ah ne kebam fengwange
Me mboye ee eh mbofejoe
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Conflict Resolution in Oral Literature: A
Review of some Yorùbá Satirical Songs
by Arinpe Adejumo
Introduction
CONFLICT, an ever-present human phenomenon in social life, is a universal
one. The perception of individual action as a threat to the goals of another
is the springboard for the different forms of conflict that manifest in
every part of African societies. Attempts have been made to manage conflicts
in Africa through Western approaches. However, total breakthrough has proven
evasive. In the traditional Yorùbá society of Southwestern Nigeria, satire,
a form of literary art, is one of the powerful weapons used to sanction
erring members in a bid to forestall and, at times, manage and resolve
conflicts. This paper, using the sociological approach to literary
evaluation, specifically focuses on Yorùbá satirical songs as a way of
demonstrating how traditional methods of ridiculing non-conformists could
prove an effective strategy for conflict management and resolution.
Literature takes its root from the realities of the conditions and values of
the society that provides and primarily consumes it. Thus, the norms and
values of the society are transmitted and internalized into the audience or
citizens through the various literary genres that exist in that society.
Globalization and civilization are trends that have promoted a state of
anomie in most parts of African societies as a result of cultural diversity
and cultural integration which gradually culminate in perpetual conflicts.
In contemporary Nigerian society, ethnic, religious, political, social,
domestic and interpersonal conflicts are prevalent. Research findings reveal
that attempts have been made to manage conflicts in Nigeria without paying
attention to the deployment of traditional methods for the resolution of
conflicts. Such methods in Yorùbá society clearly involve the deployment of
satire, a form of literary art, in ritual and festival songs for the purpose
of mediation, reconciliation and resolution of conflicts. Salient lessons
could therefore be learnt from Yorùbá satirical tradition for the peaceful
resolution of animosities that constantly arise among the various ethnic and
religious groups in the African continent.
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Riddle and Bash: The Creative Wit of Alaa's Children
by Chin Ce
LITTLE HAS been written about the riddle genre of Africa's oral art apart
from scattered references in some research efforts by western scholars. Yet
the riddles of African oral literature still survive as a literary genre in
its own right with short diction and imposed meanings, stock devices and
stock answers repeated almost word for word in communities where they
flourish.l
Among the children of Alaa the
value of the riddle and bash contests is not just in the educational or
entertainment motif. There lies some superabundant wit in the prolific
deployment of imagery, epithets and symbolism from the repertoire of Alaa
tradition and culture. Alaa's progeny themselves are regular contestants and
have, over time, cultivated so much artistry in this artistic form that they
must generally come to be recognised as bards in their own right. The
creative genius in African literary tradition is often indebted to his
immediate environment or larger society. It is the society that provides him
with linguistic and literary traditions in terms of a common language or
dialect, metaphor, imagery, and proverbs. But this in no way dims the
creative vision that drives the spirit of his art and the genuineness of his
work. 'Genius' here implies the artiste's ability to effect some variations
on this body of existing traditional sources at his disposal. 'Some
traditions allow for considerable individualistic expression,' says
Abdulkadir. '(So) the poet must however rely to some extent on traditional
forms and structures... and traditional materials in (his)... composition. (Abalagu,
et al, 1981) Thus the evidence of performance reveals that it is the
personal dynamics that must coalesce acceptably with the artiste's
traditional repertoire in order to make the final piece a unique and
aesthetically pleasing experience. This is what makes the elaborate riddle
contests of Alaa a richer concatenation of expressions of intrinsic poetic
value than ordinary riddles and one can agree no less with Jack Mapanje that
'the person who can complete the metaphor (and symbols laden in this art
genre)... is well equipped to understand (great) poetry.' (Mapanje, 1983)
No riddle was ever established by any particular individual. African
riddles rise with communal linguistic heritage and take their place among
the idioms, proverbs and poetic expressions of the people. The great don
John himself once said of the riddle and bash contests during his own time:
after the farming season when children had little to do, this contest was
there to keep them busy, or when they grow rather restless they are called
together and riddles are thrown to them. (1986)
If those games were consequently
borne out of the educational need of the community -the need to educate the
children and improve their sense of observation of lives around them,
contemporary social events take their place as sources of innovations. For
example, a drunkard, a habitually late cook, a scandal or legal tussle would
easily form a most entertaining allusion-laden bash.
Creative Riddle and Bash Action
in Alaa
Agreeably 'performance is a doing art, (Hagler, 1981) 'an overt behaviour
as a realisation of an underlying knowledge on the part of the speaker.' (Hymes,
1986) For Alaa's children, knowledge implies the traditional wisdom to
interpret and recreate riddles, realised by elaborate dramatic enactment.
Earlier, this was usually performed among age-grades during
2
the moonlit frolics. De Joe of Okpula,
explains this enactment in detail:
One age-grade would sit in a corner, split into two groups. Each group
sits in one line, side by side, and facing the other group similarly
organised. Now one member fires the first shot at his counterpart. If the
answer proffered is correct, it's one point for the side, otherwise it is
one point against the side. At the end of it all, are records are reviewed
to determine the winner, (de Joe, 1986)
The bash is organised in a similar way usually involving boys on the one
side and girls on the other.
Girls stand in a row, facing the boys who swagger defiantly before them.
This usually marks the end of the session. The bash begins when one of the
boys makes some rude advances to a female counterpart, and she retorts with
an abuse. The other boys remonstrate sharply and a battle of wits begins. It
usually ends with all returning to their homes, claiming victory over their
opponents, (de Joe, 1986)
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Igbo Oral Poetry
by F. O. Orabueze
MAN has always expressed his feelings, experiences, expectations and
dreams through the medium of poetry. Although there may be no final
definition of poetry, all ideas about poetry centre on one thing: man's
display of emotions in a unique language that is devoid of every day usage.
To the Romantic writer, William Wordsworth, it is 'the imaginative
expression of strong feelings, usually rhythmic…. the spontaneous overflow
of powerful feelings recollected in tranquility' (in Obi Maduakor 2) And for
the Chinese poet, Kuo Mojo, it is 'the music invoked from men's hearts by
the age in which they live'. (Mojo 1)
The differentiation of oral from written poetry is not the message but
the form and structure. Oral poetry is essentially '… a collective
enterprise handed down by word of mouth dependent upon the memories of
listeners and story-tellers….' (Levitas xxiii).Traditional poetry is,
therefore, the cultural heritage of indigenous people. Poetry to a critic
and art historian is the song of the heart which touches on and rekindles
the very living chords of human experience. (Otagbunagu & Okoro 5).
Poetry, which is the oldest of all the literary genres, is categorized
into two: written and oral. Written poetry is the property of one poet or a
group of poets and for the literate reader. Oral poetry, on the contrary, is
the property of non-literate societies. Every African society is very rich
in traditional poetry which is the common property of the whole community;
the poet or groit or the praise singer and bard use that to express the
communal vision of life. Abiola Irele agrees that African traditional poetry
is culture-tied and handed down orally from generation to generation:
It represents our classical tradition i.e.
that body of texts which lies behind us as a complete and enduring
literature though constantly being renewed and which most profoundly informs
the worldviews of our people and is thus at the same time the foundation and
expressive channel of a fundamental African mental universe. (12)
...
Igbo People and Poetry
The Igbo live mainly in the
former Eastern region of Nigeria occupying six out of the thirty-six states
of the federation. A rough estimate of their population could be up to
twenty million and they are one of the main ethnic groups in Nigeria. In
pre-colonial times, they were subsistence farmers and fishermen. Today, the
majority are engaged in commercial activities; some are in 'white collar
jobs' while many are farmers and fishermen.
Igbo oral poetry celebrates the birth, death, achievement of kings and
warriors; the legend of communities and, as a social satire, controls the
excesses of the members of the community as they strive towards the survival
of the group. The cultural and religious beliefs and observances of the
people are also interwoven These are kept alive by oral transmission
from one generation to another generation and celebrated during great
occasions.
Abu Nwa (Birth Songs)
The birth of a child, especially
a male one, is a joyous thing as she gets to earn her rightful position in
the family and also proves to the world that she is a woman and not a man.
The child is expected to take care of the parents and continue with
the lineage when he grows up. A child is regarded as the property of the
whole community and not just that of the parents.
Olisa nyem nwa, nyem ego.
Kama I ga awo m nwa, woo m ego.
Mgbe nwa m solitere ego m ebilie.
Mgbe nwa m solitere ego m ebilie.
Olisa nye m nwa, nyem ego.
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Theory in Praxis: Matrifocal Feminism and The Lianja Epic
by Sharla Dudley
IN HER influential work, Feminism Without
Borders, Chandra Talpade Mohanty discusses the divergent feminisms of
Western and Third World origin. Mohanty describes U.S.-based feminism as
class-centric and academic, located within a protocapitalist norm which
avoids or ignores the need for collectivity. This feminism lacks the
solidarity that Mohanty seeks, the “mutuality, accountability, and the
recognition of common interests as the basis for relationships among diverse
communities” (7). Mohanty's political solidarity and theory in praxis
proposes that women pursue a collective empowerment based on understanding
and appreciation rather than difference and pity. Similarly, there are
preexistent alternatives to Western patriarchy and cultural imperialism
being discussed by African scholars such as the contributors to the online
journal, JENDA; these contributions demonstrate Mohanty's transnational
feminist theory in praxis. Scholars in fields of study such as sociology and
anthropology develop and utilize their perspective to increase understanding
of African communities. Essentially, this recent movement reclaims feminism
in a mother-centered African context, and so we may refer to this emergent
school of thought as matrifocal1 feminism. The sociological foundation of
matrifocal feminism offers a theoretical method for considering female
characterization in African classical literature. This paper applies
theories of matrifocal feminism to an analysis of The Lianja Epic, an
African oral text.2 This application of theory is used as a means of
investigating the characterization and political power of female figures in
the narrative, and determining the cultural and literary contribution of the
text to the discussion of transnational feminist community.
Matrifocal feminism and its “co-mothering” community offer a possible
alternative and means for political solidarity. Oyèrónké Oyěwùmí rejects the
globalization of the term sisterhood as a post-colonial form of Western
imperialism (“Introduction,” African Women and Feminism). She points out
that the term does not carry the same political or social meanings in an
African context. In the place of this “sisterhood,” she prefers
co-mothering:
To an African reader…the model of motherhood is absolutely natural, because
if anything binds women together in collective experience, it is
child-bearing and the mothering of children, and consequently the nurturing
of community. [emphasis added] (5)
Oyěwùmí proposes a non-Western alternative for a global ideal of feminist
community as developed in co-mothering communities. In the above passage,
she articulates specific aspects of matrifocality that can extend to all
members of a community. Child-bearing and mothering imply separate but
cohesive acts; child-bearing as a biological privilege, and mothering as
acts of nurturing that a mother bestows on her child, and which all members
of the community might put into practice, regardless of gender, age, or
identity differences.
Matrifocal feminism articulates a sense of self-determination and agency
grounded in the respect given to the role of women in motherhood and through
acts of mothering. According to Oyèrónké Oyěwùmí and Mojúbàolú Olúfúnke
Okome, in a Yoruba community the mother assumes political, economic, and
communal power as the central figure of the family. The respect afforded to
this familial position means that,
In this family system…motherhood is the most important source and model of
solidarity, and being a mother is perceived as an attractive and desirable
goal to achieve. (“Introduction” 13)
Motherhood's central importance to the
family and the community suggests a matriarchal society. Oyěwùmí establishes
the importance of all relationships grounded in [African] women's
identification with motherhood and mothering. The Yoruba society places
mothers at the center around which family and community are structured.
Relationships within the family are delineated by that role: the term for
sibling, “omo-iya,” has no gender implication and means “my mother's child,”
indicating a shared experience of the same womb. Beyond this societal or
familial construct, “omo-iya” also “emblematizes unconditional love,
togetherness, unity, solidarity, and loyalty” (9-10). Oyěwùmí's goal is to
establish the transcendent quality of motherhood while still acknowledging
the communal value of mothering, or nurturing acts, that can be practiced by
men and women.
In her discussion of female roles in Yoruba society, Mojúbàolú Olúfúnke
Okome includes the Yoruba saying: “There is no deity like the mother,
mothers are the ones that we ought to worship” (15). If mothers are to be
respected as deities, then they implicitly possess the power to both create
and punish. When a society confers this type of respect on mothers, all
women within the community possess the same potential of power and
self-definition.
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Rhythms of Combat: Re-visioning Igbo-Biafran War Songs
by Onyebuchi Nwosu
Preamble
WAR songs are essential elements of Igbo oral poetry and pervade a huge part
of Igbo and African oral repertoire. This treatise assesses the thematic
imports of some Igbo war songs before the Nigerian civil war. It compares
tendencies in war songs before and during the war while juxtaposing some
relevant themes of war with the experiential testimonies of living witnesses
to the Biafran war with Nigeria.
Conflicts are said to be inevitable in human existence. Misunderstandings
frequently occur in relationships and, if they are not properly handled,
often degenerate into a bitter and protracted combat. The general “state of
open, armed, often prolonged conflict, carried on between nation states, or
parties” (Free par. 1) known as war, leaves little to be desired for the
ruin, destruction, suffering and debasement it brings to persons and places.
The Biafran which war, which raged for thirty months from July 6, 1967 to
January 12, 1970, witnessed great animosities, hostilities as well as
atrocities. The theater of this violence was mainly enacted in Igboland, the
main enclave of the secessionist Biafra. However, the Biafran war brought a
new dimension to the employment of war songs in conflict. Some scholars are
of the opinion that but for the effective use of oratory, songs and
propaganda, the Biafran state would not have lasted as long as it did.
Before this time, however, the phenomenon of war was not new for the people.
Among the Igbo there were occasional inter-communal wars evidenced in their
oral poetry and songs. Such songs were then referred to as valour or war
songs.
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Edward
Brathwaite's The Arrivants and the Trope of Cultural Foetal Searching
by Ayo Kehinde
One major strand that runs through the poetry of Edward Brathwaite is the
quest for identity, an attempt to come to terms with a past that was
overwhelming in itself “and still remains overwhelming in its undesirable
intrusion into the present” (Egudu 8). Brathwaite's main artistic
preoccupation is to achieve 'wholeness' through poetic reconstruction. For
him, therefore, “the eye must be free/seeing --an attempt to retrieve his
world through his poetic vision” (Dash 122). In fact, the importance of
Africa in West Indian writings cannot be overestimated, either as providing
alternative metaphors of cultural difference or as a fully developed
Negritude.
The trope of Africa is a recurrent feature of West Indian literature. As
Kole Omotoso rightly observes, Africans in the Caribbean suffer two major
psychic wounds:
They have been violently taken away from their ancestral homes through
conspiracy of their own people and the white slavers and thus been
permanently deprived of the revitalizing effect of their home culture,
something which the Europeans of the Caribbean depended upon to survive
their sojourns and the Indians looked back to in exile … The second damage
stemmed from the denying of the values and worthiness of African culture and
consequent on-going denigration of continental African culture. (30)
Omotoso echoes Coulthard who believes that for the African slaves and their
descendants in the Caribbean, the impact of these psychic wounds have been
so profound that their consciousness has over the centuries been afflicted
by the crisis of identity (25). Indeed, it is this very crisis that
basically informs the creative imagination of the average Caribbean artist.
All kinds of cleavages along the lines of race, wealth, class and political
affiliation have caused the alienation felt by the Africans in the
Caribbean. This position is the central thesis of an informing and
insightful discourse by Shelby. In the book, Steele mildly interrogates some
themes of African-American literature that emphasize racial solidarity
(122-128). It should be stressed that the alienation felt by the Africans in
the Caribbean has become the burden of the West Indian writer attempting to
capture the complexity of his society. In doing this, as one would expect,
there are bound to be areas of common interest among the writers, just as
there are dissimilarities among them. But one thing they have in common is
the need felt by the West Indian writer to recreate and redefine the essence
of his/her black colour and West Indian experience - the need to capture the
reality of the people who seem rootless.
Therefore, the trope of Africa is a case study of “tropological revision” in
West Indian literature. According to Henry Louis Gates, Jr., tropological
revision is “the manner in which a specific trope is repeated with
differences, between two or more texts” (xxv). Karen King-Aribisala in her
perceptive article “African Homogeneity: The Affirmation of a 'United'
African and Afro-West Indian Identity” declares:
One of the consequences of this predicament is the tendency of West Indian
writers to make actual or imaginative pilgrimage to Africa, in an attempt to
rediscover their ancestral roots. (40)
Given this unified African heritage and shared commonality of the African
historical experience, African and West Indian writers appear to consciously
examine their African heritage in the literatures of both areas.
Brathwaite's sense of awareness --most importantly of his historical
position and situation in society-- finds utmost expression in his brooding,
slow but progressive attempt to achieve 'wholeness' out of the debris of his
past. His Ghanaian experience, no doubt, had opened his eyes to this
possibility. His comment on this issue is worth quoting below:
Slowly, slowly, ever so slowly; obscurely, slowly but surely, during the
eight years that I lived there, I was coming to an awareness and
understanding of community, of cultural wholeness, of the place of the
individual within the tribe, in society. Slowly, slowly, ever so slowly, I
came to a sense of identification of myself with these people, my living
diviners. I came to connect my history with theirs, the bridge of my mind
now linking Atlantic and ancestor, homeland and heartland. (38)
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